![]() |
| Leon Tager (with the white shirt, center) with his comrades, 1941. |
Six days later, a massive explosion was heard, followed by flames engulfing the fuel depots of the Bulgarian port city of Ruse.
![]() |
| Leon Tager (with the white shirt, center) with his comrades, 1941. |
Six days later, a massive explosion was heard, followed by flames engulfing the fuel depots of the Bulgarian port city of Ruse.
Today, more than six decades after the Cuban Revolution, the United States continues to enforce one of the most prolonged and comprehensive systems of economic warfare in modern history. The blockade—tightened, codified, and expanded over decades—seeks not merely to pressure, but to suffocate.
Sanctions on fuel, financial strangulation, extraterritorial enforcement, and constant efforts to disrupt Cuba’s access to energy and trade are not isolated measures; they form a coherent strategy aimed at exhausting a society that refuses to abandon its chosen path.
On 5 March 1946, less than a year after the defeat of Nazi Germany, Winston Churchill stood before an audience at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, and delivered the speech that would soon be known as the “Iron Curtain” speech.
In Western political mythology, the address is often portrayed as a prophetic warning about Soviet expansion. In reality, it was something quite different: a calculated ideological declaration of hostility toward the socialist world and one of the founding political acts of the Cold War.
On 26 December 1991, when the red flag was lowered from the Kremlin for the last time, the world did not merely witness the dissolution of a state. It witnessed the victory of counterrevolution—the temporary triumph of capitalism over the most advanced historical attempt to abolish exploitation and class rule. The fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was not the end of an experiment that had “failed,” as bourgeois ideology insists. It was one of the greatest tragedies in human history precisely because it interrupted a process that had transformed the lives of hundreds of millions and reshaped the global balance of class forces.
No political figure of the twentieth century has been attacked with such persistence, intensity, and ideological unanimity as Joseph Stalin. From conservative anticommunism to liberal moralism and large parts of the so-called “democratic” left and various anti-Stalinist currents (Trotskyists, Eurocommunists, and related tendencies), hostility to Stalin functions as a shared point of convergence. This is not the result of historical curiosity or ethical sensitivity. It is a political necessity.
Stalin is targeted not primarily for what he did, but for what he represents: the most advanced historical challenge ever posed to capitalism and imperialism.
Until the collapse of the Soviet Union, communists had always believed that the only way a socialist state could be destroyed was by hostile forces from the outside. Now we know that this was tragically wrong. The Soviet Union was destroyed by betrayal from within.
In the closing months of the Second World War, Greece was on the brink of liberation. Nazi German forces, facing defeat on all fronts, began withdrawing from the country. Yet in the Peloponnese and other regions, their presence was maintained through the actions of local collaborators: the Security Battalions (Tagmata Asfaleias). These battalions—composed of Greeks—had fought not against the occupiers but against their own people. Armed, trained, and supported by the Nazis, they were tasked with crushing the communist-led resistance.
The Communist Party stresses out:
Eighty years have passed since the United States, under the administration of President Truman, committed one of the most barbaric crimes against humanity – on August 6th in Hiroshima and a few days later, on August 9th in Nagasaki – by dropping the atomic bomb resulting to hundreds of thousands victims and many more in the following years due to the radioactivity effects.
Khrushchev Lied, first published in 2011, is definitely the most emblematic work of Grover Furr, an American Professor of Medieval English Literature at Montclair State University who has devoted years of research on Stalin-era Soviet Union.
Before going to the book itself, it is significant to underline that Furr isn't an ordinary historian who relies on the dominant narratives and “sacred truths” of bourgeois historiography. On the contrary, he carefully challenges those narratives and “truths”, applying a dialectical approach on history and seeking for the actual facts one by one, usually using an enormous list of thoroughly-searched, primary and secondary, sources.
The 16th of June 2025 marks the 80th anniversary since the death of the iconic Greek communist guerrilla Aris Velouchiotis.
A member of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and First Captain of the Greek People’s Liberation Army (ELAS) during World War Two, Velouchiotis has been a legendary personality of the Greek Resistance against the Axis occupation.
Abraham (Avraam) Benaroya was born to a Shephardic Jew family in 1886 in Bidin, in the then Principality of Bulgaria, a vassal state of the Ottoman Empire. He began studying at the Faculty of Law in the University of Belgrade, but didn't graduate; instead, he became a teacher in Plovdiv. Being a polyglot, Abraham was fluent in at least six languages, including Ladino, Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian, English and Turkish.
"May 9, 1945 marks 80 years since the Great Anti-Fascist Victory when Nazi Germany surrendered and the peoples of the world, with the decisive role of the Red Army and the Soviet Union under the leadership of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) as the organizer and inspirer of this struggle, brought fascism to its knees across Europe.
“Anyone who loves freedom, owes such a debt to the Red Army that it can never be repaid”. This phrase of Ernest Hemingway encompasses the whole symbolism of the 9th May 1945; the day of the Great Antifascist Victory of the Peoples.
80 years have passed since the day when the red flag with the sickle and hammer raised over Reichstag, in Berlin, thus marking the triumph of the Red Army and the Soviet Union over the monster of Nazism-Fascism.
More specifically, the KKE statement (here in Greek) reads:
"With the EU Commission being the initiator of a debate-parade of anti-communists in the plenary of the European Parliament in Strasbourg, the EU is working on another anti-communist and unhistorical 'day of remembrance' under the name of 'European Day of Righteous'.
Question: How do you appraise Mr. Churchill’s latest speech in the United States of America?
Answer: I appraise it as a dangerous act, calculated to sow the seeds of dissension among the Allied States and impede their collaboration.
![]() |
| The signing of the Varkiza Agreement, 12 February 1945 |
The statement (here in Greek) reads:
Quite frequently, Omonia supporters have been seen waving flags with the sickle and hammer, banners with Che Guevara and other symbols of left-wing characteristics. Most recently, on 28 November, during a football match with Legia Warsaw for the UEFA Conference League in Nicosia, Omonia fans did it again!