Following the victory of the counterrevolution and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Russian leadership under Boris Yeltsin proceeded to harsh economic reforms (known as “shock therapy”), thus causing, among others, inflation, unemployment, and severe public discontent.
Within this context, a growing conflict between Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet (Parliament) over economic policy and division of powers began to unravel. The Supreme Soviet resisted capitalist reforms and pushed back against the increasing presidential authority.
On September 21, 1993, Yeltsin issued Decree No. 1400, dissolving the Supreme Soviet and Congress of People’s Deputies. This was widely seen as unconstitutional, since the 1978 Russian Constitution did not give him that authority. The same day, the Supreme Soviet, led by Speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov and Vice President Alexander Rutskoy, declared Yeltsin removed from office for violating the constitution. Rutskoy was declared acting president by parliament leading to the intensification of the power struggle.
In late September 1993, thousands of anti-Yeltsin protesters flood Moscow, while Parliament deputies barricaded themselves in the White House (Russian Parliament building). At the same time, the vast majority of the - corrupted - military and police officers sided with President Yeltsin.
In order to suppress the popular demonstrations of October 1993, Yeltsin ordered the army to shell the Russian Parliament with tanks. Hundreds of protesters were killed, while Rutskoy and Khasbulatov are arrested.
A declassified CIA document, dated September 21, 1993, is indicative of the US role in actively supporting the counterrevolutionary leadership of Yeltsin. More specifically, the document is Memorandum of Telephone Conversation (Telcon) between US President Bill Clinton ("The President") and Boris Yeltsin.
Here is the full dialogue as it has been recorded in the document (the most interesting parts are bolded and underlined):
In late September 1993, thousands of anti-Yeltsin protesters flood Moscow, while Parliament deputies barricaded themselves in the White House (Russian Parliament building). At the same time, the vast majority of the - corrupted - military and police officers sided with President Yeltsin.
In order to suppress the popular demonstrations of October 1993, Yeltsin ordered the army to shell the Russian Parliament with tanks. Hundreds of protesters were killed, while Rutskoy and Khasbulatov are arrested.
A declassified CIA document, dated September 21, 1993, is indicative of the US role in actively supporting the counterrevolutionary leadership of Yeltsin. More specifically, the document is Memorandum of Telephone Conversation (Telcon) between US President Bill Clinton ("The President") and Boris Yeltsin.
Here is the full dialogue as it has been recorded in the document (the most interesting parts are bolded and underlined):
President Yeltsin: Good evening, Bill. (U)
The President: Hello, Boris. I have just been briefed on your decision and I wanted to call you right away to get your personal sense of what this step will mean for you, for the Russian political process, and for reform. I want to issue a statement today that shows my support. But first I wanted to hear from you how this affects your position and the process of reform in Russia. (U)
President Yeltsin: Bill, the Supreme Soviet has totally gone out of control. It no longer supports the reform process. They have become communist. We cannot no longer put up with that. For that reason, today I issued a Presidential decree. The new parliamentary elections will be held on December 11–12. In that period, according to my decree, the constitutional court and other democratic institutions will work out a new electoral decree. All the democratic forces are supporting me. (U)
The President: Are the military and security services with you? (U)
President Yeltsin: Both the military and Ministry of Interior have given their full support to me. There is the risk of disorder for a short time. There are about 300 deputies in the Parliament. I think there will be order in the country. (U)
The President: That’s good. Your decision shows an important choice for democracy. We will support you. The $2.5 billion assistance package for Russia this week demonstrates this. Secretary Christopher is testifying before Congress now to underscore our continued support. (U)
President Yeltsin: Bill, the Supreme Soviet has totally gone out of control. It no longer supports the reform process. They have become communist. We cannot no longer put up with that. For that reason, today I issued a Presidential decree. The new parliamentary elections will be held on December 11–12. In that period, according to my decree, the constitutional court and other democratic institutions will work out a new electoral decree. All the democratic forces are supporting me. (U)
The President: Are the military and security services with you? (U)
President Yeltsin: Both the military and Ministry of Interior have given their full support to me. There is the risk of disorder for a short time. There are about 300 deputies in the Parliament. I think there will be order in the country. (U)
The President: That’s good. Your decision shows an important choice for democracy. We will support you. The $2.5 billion assistance package for Russia this week demonstrates this. Secretary Christopher is testifying before Congress now to underscore our continued support. (U)
What does the above tell us?
First of all, it shows the explicit intervention of the US government in the internal affairs of Russia, in favor of the capitalist counterrevolutionary forces.
By offering both political endorsement and financial aid, the U.S. directly reinforced Yeltsin’s position at a moment when his authority was contested. This support arguably weakened parliamentary legitimacy in Russia, since Washington was signaling that capitalist reforms (and aid) depended on Yeltsin, not on democratic institutions like parliament.
Yet Clinton’s response (“That’s good”) suggests tacit U.S. approval of executive power over legislative opposition. This reinforced a presidential-centered system in Russia, which would allow for capitalist shock reforms to be implemented more conveniently.
Clinton emphasized the $2.5 billion assistance package, signaling that U.S. financial support was conditional on Yeltsin’s reforms. This linked U.S. aid to Yeltsin personally rather than to Russian democratic institutions.The aid was part of broader Western support for counterrevolutionary, “shock therapy” economic reforms, which were deeply unpopular in Russia and contributed to economic hardship that followed the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
First of all, it shows the explicit intervention of the US government in the internal affairs of Russia, in favor of the capitalist counterrevolutionary forces.
By offering both political endorsement and financial aid, the U.S. directly reinforced Yeltsin’s position at a moment when his authority was contested. This support arguably weakened parliamentary legitimacy in Russia, since Washington was signaling that capitalist reforms (and aid) depended on Yeltsin, not on democratic institutions like parliament.
Yet Clinton’s response (“That’s good”) suggests tacit U.S. approval of executive power over legislative opposition. This reinforced a presidential-centered system in Russia, which would allow for capitalist shock reforms to be implemented more conveniently.
Clinton emphasized the $2.5 billion assistance package, signaling that U.S. financial support was conditional on Yeltsin’s reforms. This linked U.S. aid to Yeltsin personally rather than to Russian democratic institutions.The aid was part of broader Western support for counterrevolutionary, “shock therapy” economic reforms, which were deeply unpopular in Russia and contributed to economic hardship that followed the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
