of the most famous and celebrated works of Alexandr Solzhenitsyn, the
“Gulag Archipelago”, has been for a long time a kind of “holy
bible” for every anticommunist. Firstly published in 1973, it-
supposedly- consists an analytical record of the conditions existed
in the so-called “labour camps” of the Soviet Union. Within the
framework of the slanderous anticommunist campaign, bourgeois
historiography has extensively promoted Solzhenitsyn's work as a
source of arguments about the so-called “Stalinist dictatorship”
and “communist crimes” in the Soviet Union.
there is a fundamental problem in the work of the deeply reactionary
Solzhenitsyn: Gulag Archipelago is a completely antiscientific book,
based almost entirely in rumors, speculations, third party opinions
as well as interpretations of opinions by Solzenitsyn himself! In
other words, the reader of this book becomes “hostage” of a novel
type, unverifiable, recording to alleged events by Solzenitsyn and
others who supposedly “saw”, “heard” or “learned”
Source: J.V.Stalin, Works, Foreign Languages Publishing House,
Moscow, 1954, Vol.10, pp. 244-55.
The October Revolution cannot be regarded merely as a revolution "within national bounds." It is, primarily, a revolution of an international, world order, for it signifies a radical turn in the world history of mankind, a turn from the old, capitalist world to the new, socialist world.
A response to U.S. President Trump's blatant falsification of historical events.
By Nikos Mottas.
Donald Trump seems to have his own version of history. A version that falsifies completely the real historical events. The tycoon- turned President of the USA- decided to demonstrate his ignorance (or, perhaps, ability to distort history) during a Republican Party's rally in Pensacola, Florida on December 8th.
What did Trump say? Among others, the U.S. President said the following: “We are the nation that dug out the Panama Canal, won two world wars, put a man on the moon and brought communism to its knees".
Statement by the Press Office of the CC of the Communist Party of Greece regarding the anticommunist events of the Estonian EU Presidency in Tallinn on August 23, 2017: "Tomorrow's unhistorical anticommunist fiestas in Estonia consist a provocation for the millions of victims of nazism, for all the peoples of Europe who, through their struggle, wrote the heroic pages of the Antifascist Victory. They consist a provocation for the millions of communists, the fighters who contributed decisively to the crush of nazism-fascism.
On behalf of the CC of the KKE, we thank the RWCP for this initiative and for hosting our Conference Today.
The Central Committee of the KKE honours the 100th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. It honours the climactic world-historic event of the 20th century which demonstrated that capitalism is not invincible, that we can construct a superior organization of society, without the exploitation of man by man.
A hundred years ago scientific socialism became reality. Until then, Marxism had only been theorized within the First International and applied to the class struggle in conditions of bourgeois domination; after that, it became reality for a short while, during the Paris Commune, showing that the proletarian revolution was not only possible, but even necessary. With the October Revolution, Marxism is applied to building Socialism, as the first step in the construction of the Communist society.
The October Revolution: A Beacon for Americans Today.
Contribution of the Party of Communists, USA (PCUSA) atthe Scientific Conference in honor of the 100 years since the October Revolution.
Leningrad, August 10-13, 2017.
This year we celebrate the 100th anniversary of the socialist revolution in Russia. It was the first time that the working class anywhere in the world was able to seize and hold power. The revolution grew out of the conditions of imperialism and the First World War. Russia had been ruled by a tsar, or emperor, making it one of the most reactionary regimes in Europe.
The works of the international scientific conference honoring the 100 years since the 1917 October Revolution began on Friday in St.Petersburg (Leningrad), Russia.
The subject of the conference, which is hosted by the Russian Communist Workers Party (RCWP), is "the Centennial of the Great October Socialist Revolution. Lessons and tasks for the contemporary communists", while numerous communist and workers parties from all over the world are participating.
The Communist Party of Greece is represented by the member of its Political Bureau Giorgos Marinos and Elissaios Vagenas, member of the Central Commitee and head of the international relations section of the CC.
work “Achievements and successes of the working class in
socialism”, published by “Synchroni Epochi”, was presented by
the KKE's Central Committee, on July 12th
in Egaleo, Athens.
future isn't capitalism. It is the new world, socialism”! This
slogan was shouted by hundreds of members and friends of the KKE and
KNE at “Alexis Minotis” municipal theatre of Egaleo, where the
publication was presented. Working people from various sectors, who
live the intensive capitalist exploitation, listened with interest
the significant information that the new publication contains and
which proves the superiority of the socialist system. The
publication- a result of a collective effort by the Central
Committee's department for Labor and Trade Union work- consists part
of the KKE's greater multiform activity for the 100th
anniversary of the October Socialist Revolution .
The murderous, imperialist North Atlantic Treaty Organisation cannot hide its historical links with the Nazis. On 11 July 2017, the official account of NATO on Twitter published an English movie trailer called "Forest brothers. Fight for the Baltics". The tweet of NATO's account was writing: "This is the story of the Forest Brothers who fought the Soviet army for their homelands after WWII."
Dedicated to the Leningrad Organisation of the C.P.S.U (B).
I. THE DEFINITION OF LENINISM
The pamphlet The Foundations of Leninism contains a definition of Leninism which seems to have received general recognition. It runs as follows:
“Leninism is Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution. To be more exact, Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular.”1
The true face of social democracy's anticommunism is expressed through the pages of SYRIZA's daily newspaper, known as "I Avgi" (The Dawn). In a recent article, under the title "A tragic page of european history", the newspaper actually adopts the vile anticommunist-antisoviet imperialist propaganda regarding the so-called "Katyn massacre".
Regarding this unhistorical and provocative article, KKE's daily "Rizospastis" points out that:
"The whole goebbelist propaganda about the murder of thousands of Polish officers by the Nazis at Katyn forest in 1941 (which was attributed to the USSR by the crumbling Nazi Germany in 1943) is, once again, adopted by "Avgi" and her known anticommunist "stalinologist" article writer Vlasis Agtzidis. The article reproduces one of the most characteristic products of History's counterfeiting during the counter-revolution period of Gorbachev and Yeltsin in the USSR, in 1991-92, when the notorious document of the 5th March 1940 appeared, according to which Stalin supposedly gave his permission for the slaughtering of the Polish officials.
The personality and the writings of Leon Trotsky have long been a rallying point for
anticommunists throughout the world. But during the 1930s Trotsky deliberately lied in
his writings about Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union. My new book, Trotsky’s
‘Amalgams’, discusses some of Trotsky’s lies that have fooled people, and demoralized
honest communists, for decades.
In January 1980 the Trotsky Archive at Harvard University was opened to researchers.
Within a few days Pierre Broué, the foremost Trotskyist historian of his time, discovered
that Trotsky had lied.
Trotsky had always denied that any clandestine “bloc of oppositionists” including
Trotskyists, existed in the Soviet Union. Trotsky called this an “amalgam,” meaning a
fabrication by Stalin. This “bloc” was the main focus of the second and third Moscow
Trials of January 1937 and March 1938. Broué showed, from letters in the Trotsky
Archive by Trotsky and by his son Leon Sedov, that the bloc did exist.
was December 26, 1991 – 25 years ago- when the red flag with the
sickle and hammer was lowered from the Moscow Kremlin. It was then,
during the cold days of December, when the first socialist state of
the world, the homeland of the world's proletariat, bent under the
weight of the counterrevolution. Four days before, on December 22nd,
the leaderships of three of the largest Soviet republics had decided
the dissolution of the USSR, while the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union had been outlawed on summer of the same year.
events of December 1991 sealed the victory of the counterrevolution,
as the result of a process which officially began in 1985 with the
Perestroika and reached its peak in 1989 with the overthrow of
Socialism. Of course, the roots of the counterrevolution can be
traced back in a series of revisionist-opportunist decisions taken at
the CPSU's 20th Congress back in 1956.
The following is the Resolution of the 18th Congress of the KKE (held on February 2009), containing assessments and conclusions on socialist construction during the 20th century, focusing on the USSR.
The 18th Congress of KKE, fulfilling the task set forward by the 17th Congress four years ago, dwelled deeper into the causes of the victory of the counterrevolution and of capitalist restoration. This has been an imperative and timely obligation for our Party, as it is for every Communist Party. It was thus that we faced this task during all the years that have elapsed since the 14th Congress and the National Conference of 1995. It is a task interlinked with the revival of consciousness and of faith in socialism.
For more than a century now, bourgeois polemics against the communist movement, often assuming the form of an intellectual elitism, concentrate their fire on the revolutionary core of the workers’ movement; they struggle, in general, against the necessity of revolution and its political offspring, the dictatorship of the proletariat that is the revolutionary working class power. In particular, they fight against the outcome of the first victorious revolution, of the October Revolution in Russia, fiercely opposing every phase where the Revolution exposed and repelled counterrevolutionary activities and opportunist barriers, which, in the final analysis, were weakening, directly or indirectly, the Revolution at a social and political level.
In September General Kornilov marched on Petrograd to make himself military dictator of Russia. Behind him was suddenly revealed the mailed fist of the bourgeoisie, boldly attempting to crush the Revolution. Some of the Socialist Ministers were implicated; even Kerensky was under suspicion. (See App. II, Sect. 1) Savinkov, summoned to explain to the Central Committee of his party, the Socialist Revolutionaries, refused and was expelled. Kornilov was arrested by the Soldiers' Committees. Generals were dismissed, Ministers suspended from their functions, and the Cabinet fell.
Kerensky tried to form a new Government, including the Cadets, party of the bourgeoisie. His party, the Socialist Revolutionaries, ordered him to exclude the Cadets. Kerensky declined to obey, and threatened to resign from the Cabinet if the Socialists insisted. However, popular feeling ran so high that for the moment he did not dare oppose it, and a temporary Directorate of Five of the old Ministers, with Kerensky at the head, assumed the power until the question should be settled.
This book is a slice of intensified history—history as I saw it. It does not pretend to be anything but a detailed account of the November Revolution, when the Bolsheviki, at the head of the workers and soldiers, seized the state power of Russia and placed it in the hands of the Soviets.
Naturally most of it deals with “Red Petrograd,” the capital and heart of the insurrection. But the reader must realize that what took place in Petrograd was almost exactly duplicated, with greater or lesser intensity, at different intervals of time, all over Russia.
In this book, the first of several which I am writing, I must confine myself to a chronicle of those events which I myself observed and experienced, and those supported by reliable evidence; preceded by two chapters briefly outlining the background and causes of the November Revolution. I am aware that these two chapters make difficult reading, but they are essential to an understanding of what follows.
circumstances of an external nature determined the comparative ease
with which the proletarian revolution in Russia succeeded in breaking
the chains of imperialism and thus overthrowing the rule of the
the circumstance that the October Revolution began in a period of
desperate struggle between the two principal imperialist groups, the
Anglo-French and the Austro-German; at a time when, engaged in mortal
struggle between themselves, these two groups had neither the time
nor the means to devote serious attention to the struggle against the
October Revolution. This circumstance was of tremendous importance
for the October Revolution; for it enabled it to take advantage of
the fierce conflicts within the imperialist world to strengthen and
organize its own forces.