By
Gyula Thürmer*.
Source: International
Communist Review,
Issue 7, 2017.
Hundred
years have passed since the Great October Socialist Revolution
triumphed on the 7th of November 1917. The Hungarian Workers' Party
celebrates the Great October as an outstanding event of the universal
history, an event that had a decisive influence on the world, the
international workers' movement, and also on Hungary and the fate of
the Hungarian workers and toiling masses.
1917
provides a lot of experience and conclusions for the communist and
workers' movement. The conclusions of the Great October are still
valid, they serve as a guide for any political force which is
fighting against capitalism, in order to construct socialism.
On the other hand, the rejection and revision of 1917, the re-evaluation of its importance has always been the tool of anti-communist, revisionist forces. The conclusions of the Great October have been revised by the 20th congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), and the 22th congress of the CPSU validated these key points borned under the influence of revisionism in the party's programme. These decisions had grave consequences for the entire communist and workers' movement, its effects can still be felt.
Historical
lessons of the Great October
- The Great October was a socialist revolution.
The
contradictions of capitalism cannot be resolved within the framework
of capitalism, capitalism must be replaced by a socialist
society. The path to this is the socialist revolution. The Great
October opened the epoch of revolutions.
This
great epoch is still not over. There were and there will besuccesses
and failures, the times of revolutionary recession and periods of
revolutionary upsurgeare followingeach other, but this process
ultimately leads to the victory of socialism on a world scale.
Now we witness bigger and bigger wealth concentrating in the hands of
fewer and fewer people, growing poverty for more and more people,
growing population and more and more deteriorating natural
environment, increasingly destructive military technologies
concentrating in the hands of fewer and fewer, better and better
technical opportunities and weakening democracy – those are
contradictions, which cannot be resolved by capitalism.
- The Great October was the revolution of the working class.
1917
was not a coup d'etat of a small revolutionary group, but it
was a social revolution. A historical deed of the working class, the
only class interested in the consequent fight against capital. It
proved the words of the Communist Manifesto:
„Of
all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today,
the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other
classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry;
the proletariat is its special and essential product.”[1]
The
position of the working class has changed a lot in the recent
decades. The internationalization of capital and capitalist
competition lend impetus to the concentration and centralization of
capital and this development leads to changes in the social
structure, while the strengthening of the monopolies sharpens the
problems, exerts pressure on and destroys a section of the middle
strata. Still the working class in the broad sense of the word - the
social class which owns no capital and must sell its own labour
power - today too is the most conscious force in the fight against
the capital.
- The communists were those who prepared, organised and carried out the first socialist revolution of the world
The
Great October proved that among the various currents in the labour
movement only the revolutionary, radical line, the communists assume
the responsibility and are able to carry out a socialist revolution,
only Marxism-Leninism is a reliable ideological weapon.
In
the epoch of socialist revolutions the communist and social
democratic currents completely and finally broke up. Communists
became the carriers of socialist revolutions, while social democracy
irrevocably committed themselves to capitalism .
- Working masses cannot win and keep the power without a disciplined, organised, built on the principles of democratic centralism Marxist-Leninist party
Against
the will of the masses – no matter how organised a small
revolutionary group is – no victorious revolutuon is possible. But
no matter how much the people wish for a revolutionary change, it's
not possible without an organised and disciplined party.
- The prerequisite of the party’s success is the adherence to Marxism-Leninism.
The
basis of the communist party’s strength is its ideological purity
and the unity of policy and action. While the basis of the
party’s ideological purity is the acceptance and creative
application of Marxism-Leninism.
- Proletarian internationalism and the international unity of the communist parties are important prerequisites of the success of the revolutionary struggle.
Shortly
after the victory of the Great October, in the March of 1918 the 3rd
Internationale started its work, the 3rd Internationale
was so far the biggest institutionalized cooperation in the history
of the communist movement.
The
importance of proletarian internationalism is not decreasing. Only
together communist and workers’ parties can defeat the forces of
capitalism.
- Socialism should oppose the forces of capitalism with a compelling power. Peaceful co-existence does not mean reconciliation with capitalism but is one of the forms of struggle.
Capital
has never forgiven the revolution of 1917. From the first moment it
tried to get revenge, to get back its lost positions. We Hungarians
rememer well, that in 1919 the Soviet Republic was drown in blood and
Miklós Horthy was put into power for more than two decades. In order
to eliminate the Soviet Union and communists, the capital unleashed
fascism on the world. Without the support and the money of the
European big capital there would have never been any Hitler or
Mussolini. Capital didn’t care that fascism caused wars and the
death of tens of millions. Capital still hasn’t completely lock
back the spirit of fascism into the bottle, but takes it out
everytime it’s needed. Capital started the cold war (1948-1990) in
the name of revenge, and toppled socialist systems in several
countries in the 1990’s. In this specific period there was at the
same time an opportunist corrosion of the CPs and violations of the
laws of socialist construction, which formed conditions for the
counterrevolution. A milestone in this course were the
decisions of the 20th Congress of the CPSU.
The
historical place of the CPSU’s 20th congress
On
14-25 February, 1956 the 20th congress of the CPSU took place. The
congress was a turning point in the history of the Soviet and the
international communist movement. It revised the most basic lessons
of 1917. Its decisions determined the way of thinking and the
political practices of the communist movement for a long time.
Instead of 1917, the historical reference point became 1956, the 20th
congress. The reference point in evaluating the debates within the
Soviet party started to be the attitude to the 20th century, not to
1917. This determined the relationships with the different communist
parties too.
The
CPSU tried to make the postulates of the Soviet political thinking to
be accepted as dogmas in the international movement, and had much
success with it. This largely held back creative thinking. It
strenghtened the position of petty bourgeois-opportunist forces
within the leaderships of socialist countries.
This
period concided with the changes in the basis of the Western European
communist parties, the increasing influence of intelligentsia, the
decreasing proportions of actually workers. In Europe
eurocommunist parties emerged, which rejected the revolutionary
effect of the Great October and the experiences of socialist
countries, absolutised the peculiarities of Western European
countries, revised the basic principles of Marxism. These views still
have a damaging influence on the European communist movement,
obstruct the fight of the workers. They reached the point of
irrationally and unscientifically arguing that socialism could be
constructed through bourgeois parliamentary elections and using the
tools of capitalism.
The
20th congress of the CPSU also has played a considerable role
in destroying the earlier existing unity of the socialist countries.
From the 60’s the relationship between the Soviet Union and
China became hostile. The positions of China were utilized by US and
European imperialism against the Soviet Union.
The
21th extraordinary congress of the CPSU took place between January
27-February 5 1959. Its task was to strenghten the changes in the
CPSU’s leadership and Nikita Khrushchev’s power position and to
make the elaboration of the CPSU’s new programme quicker.
The
CPSU’s 22nd congress on October 17-31 1961 accepted the new
programme of the CPSU, and thus implemented a revision of the
conclusions of 1917 on the level of the party programme.
In
the last decades the Marxist re-evaluation of the CPSU’s 20th
congress has begun in the communist movement.
The
Hungarian Workers’ Party declared on the 90th anniversary of the
Great October: „Capitalist counter-revolutions would have been
impossible or very hard to carry out, if there hadn’t been internal
causes in some of the socialist countries. The decisive internal
cause should be looked for in the leaderships of the socialist
countries, where a reformist-opportunist wing emerged and gradually
gave up its socialist positions. This political line was felt already
after the CPSU’s 20th congress, when several values of socialist
construction were rejected with the pretext of eliminating the
mistakes of the Stalin-era. The justified and correct criticism of
Stalin was used to reject the positive elements of his heritage, to
deprive the socialist countries’ societies of the reliable
historical consciousness. Evaluating of Stalin according to today’s
circumstances, correcting the distortions is the duty of our
time”.[2]
The
Greek Communist Party has come to the following conlusion after
thorough analysis of Soviet socialism:
“Following
World War II and the post-war reconstruction, socialist construction
entered a new phase. The Party was faced with new demands and
challenges regarding the development of socialism-communism. The
20th Congress of the CPSU (1956) stands out as a turning point,
since at that congress a series of opportunist positions were adopted
on matters relating to the economy, the strategy of the communist
movement and international relations. The correlation of forces in
the struggle being waged during the entire preceding period was
altered, with a turn in favor of the revisionist-opportunist
positions, with the result that the Party gradually began to
lose its revolutionary characteristics. In the decade of the 1980s,
with perestroika, opportunism fully developed into a traitorous,
counter-revolutionary force. The consistent communist forces that
reacted during the final phase of the betrayal, at the 28th CPSU
Congress, did not manage in a timely manner to expose it and to
organize the revolutionary reaction of the working class.”[3]
The
revision of the lessons of Great October’s at the CPSU’s 20th
congress
Let’s
examine closer the most important questions, in which the CPSU’s
20th congress changed the evaluation of the Great October experience!
Peaceful
coexistence
Following
a certain detente in the middle of the 1950’s and the gradually
established military balance between the Soviet Union and the USA the
CPSU’s 20th congress thought that the peaceful coexistence of the
two systems means a broad cooperation and the aspect of
anticapitalist fight can be put aside.
The
congress was right to conclude that there was a certain detente.
„Thanks
to the consistent peaceful foreign policy of the socialist countries
the state of international tension, which was fraught with great
danger, has been replaced by a certain détent.”[4]
The
congress correctly concluded that the existence of the two world
systems is a fact, which determines international relations.
„The
emergence of socialism from within the bounds of a single country and
its transformation into a world system is the main feature of our
era. Capitalism has proved powerless to prevent this process of
world-historic significance. The simultaneous existance of two
opposite world economic systems, the capitalist and the
socialist, developing according to different laws and in opposite
directions, has become an indisputablle fact.” [5]
The
congress didn’t speak about the fact that this relative detente
between the two world systems was mostly a result of the military
balance formed due to the developments of the 1950’s, the creation
of the Soviet atomic and hydrogen bomb, the great successes in rocket
research.
The
congress overlooked the internal problems of the socialist countries.
We shouldn’t forget that in 1956 counter revolutionary processes
take place in Poland and Hungary.
„The
socialist system is marching forward triumthantly, without crises or
upheavals. It is bringing great benefits to the peoples of the
socialist countries, demonstrating its decisive superiority over the
capitlist system.” [6]
The
programme accepted at the CPSU’s 22th congress in 1961 says:
„The
CPSU maintains that forces capable of preserving and promoting
universal peace have arisen and are growing in the world.
Possibilities are arising for essentially new relations between
states.”[7]
„Peaceful
coexistence of the socialist and capitalist countries is an objective
necessity for the development of human society.”[8]
Lenin
was a supporter of the world revolution. For Lenin peaceful
coexistence was a temporary compromise: I can’t defeat capitalism
now, but I don’t give up the goal. In March 1919 the
Communist Internationale was formed, which enjoyed the full support
of the Soviet state. In the 1920’s communist parties were
created in almost every country of the world. At the period when
Stalin was the general secretary of the party the CPSU supported the
Comintern. Though in 1943 they made a gesture to the capitalist
members of the antifascist coalition and dissolved the Comintern,
by then there was already a new, effective force of the world
revolution, the triumphantly advancing Red Army.
The
CPSU under the leadership of Khrushchev gives up the idea of world
revolution, he declares peaceful coexistence as the end goal, stating
that relations of capitalism and socialism would be determined by
peaceful competition. Brezhnev a bit clumsily, but returns to the
idea of world revolution. Of course, this does not negate the
fact that in the period when Brezhnev was the GS of the CPSU the
problems of utilizing the tools of capitalism in socialist
construction continued and sharpened, with the result that the party
lost its revolutionary way with grave consequences.
Gorbatchev’s
„new way of thinking” meant giving up the goals of socialism. He
gave back the territories gained in WW2, ruined the Soviet armed
forces, left socialist countries at the mercy of the forces of
capitalism.
This
was one of the biggest theoretical misconception of the CPSU’s 20th
congress, which explained many political steps that contributed to
the weakening and then toppling of the socialist system.
This
was the false and incorrect interpretation of the principle of
peaceful coexistence. Socialism will win on a world level if it
produces more and better in economy, than capitalism does. But this
doesn’t mean that military power can be given up.
Based
on the false and incorrect interpretation of the principle of
peaceful coexistence, the Soviet Union reduced a significant portion
of the land and naval forces in the beginning of the 60’s.
From the end of the 60’s it signed a number of agreements on the
limitation and reduction of armaments and disarmament with the USA,
that broke the delicate military balance which was so hard to
establish, and more than that - made the Soviet Union vulnerable.
This doesn’t mean that disarmament efforts weren’t needed, but
it’s a fact that it led to the end of military balance. The mistake
was not the disarmament, but the series of one-sided concessions to
the US. Without the military power balance the socialist world became
vulnerable on all other fields too, as the military balance had the
greatest impact on capitalist countries.
The
parliamentary road, as a way of creating socialism
The
20th congress of the CPSU declared that in the changed international
conditions communist parties can get into power by parliamentary
elections and can make socialism win.
„...
the present situation offers the working class in a number of
capitalst countries a real opportunity to unite the overwhelming
majority of the people under its leadership and to secure the
transfer of the basic means of production into the hands of the
people. The Right-wing bourgeois parties and their governments are
suffering bankruptcy with increasing frequency. In those
circumstances the working class, by rallying around itself the
toiling peasantry, the intelligentsia, all patriotic forces, and
resolutely repulsing the opportunist elements who are uncapable of
giving up the policy of compromise with the capitalists and
landlords, is in a position to defeat the reactionary forces
opposed to the popular interest, to capture a stable majority in
parliament, and transform the latter from an organ of bourgeois
democracy into a genuine instrument of the people’s will.
(Applause.) In such an event this institution, traditional in many
highly developed capitalist countries, may become an organ of genuine
democracy, democracy for the working people.
The
winning of a stable parliamentary majority backed by a mass
revolutionary movement of the proletariat and of all the working
people could create for the working class for a number of capitalist
and former colonial countries the conditions needed to secure
fundamental social changes.”[9]
The
22nd congress of the CPSU fixed this thesis in the party’s
programme:
„In
the conditions prevaling at present, in some capitalist countries the
working class, headed by its forward detachment, has an opportunity
to unite the bulk of the nation, win state power without a civil war
and achieve the transfer of the basic means of production to the
people upon the basis of a working class and popular front and other
possible forms of agreement and political cooperation between
different parties and democratic organisations. The working class,
supported by the majority of the people and firmly repelling
opportunist elements incapable of renouncing the policy of compromise
with the capitalists and landlords, can defeat the reactionary,
anti-popular forces, win a solid majority in parliament, transform it
from a tool serving the class interestes of the bourgeoisie into an
instrument serving the working people, launch a broad mass struggle
outside parliament, smash the resistance of the reactionary forces,
and provide the necessary conditions for a peaceful socialist
revolution.” [10]
The
CPSU’s thesis about the parliamentary way creates serious illusions
in the workers’ movement. Many parties completely settle for
election work and performance in the parliament. Some of the parties
forget that the fight for the interests of workers, working people is
a constant task of communists. Taking part in the parliament is
not the goal for a communist party, but only a tool.
The
Hungarian Workers’ Party is deeply convinced that socialism will be
brought by a new popular socialist revolution. The party’s new
programme, which was adopted in 2012, says:
We
don’t know which year, which month and which day the new socialist
revolution will win. But we know that it will win. It will win when
the majority of the people understands through their own experiences
that there is only one way to happiness, the new popular socialist
revolution, and they will be willing to make an effort for it.[11]
Attitude
to social democracy
The
CPSU’s 20th congress declared that in order to prevent a world war,
the strategic cooperation of communist and social democratic parties
is necessary and possible.
„ Not
a few of the misfortunes harussing the world today are due to the
fact that in many countries the working class has been split for many
years and its different groups do not present a united front, which
only plays into the hands of the reactionary force. Yet, today, in
our opinion, the prospect of changing this situation is opening up.
Life has put on the agenda many questions which not only demand
rapprochement and co-operation between all workers’ parties, but
also create real possibilities for the co-operation. The most
important of these questions is that of preventing a new war. If the
working class come out as a united organised force and acts with firm
resolution, there will be no war.”[12]
And
the report goes on:
„All
this places an historic responsibility upon all leaders of the labour
movement. The interests of the struggle for peace make it imperetive
to find points of contact and on these grounds to lay the
foundations for co-operation, sweeping aside mutual incriminations.
Here co-operatons with those circles of tne socialist movement
whose views on the forms of transition to socialism differ from ours
is also possible and essential. Among them are not a few people who
are honestly mistaken on this question, but this is no obstacle for
co-operation.Today many Social-Democrates stand for active
struggle against the war danger and militarism, for rapproachment
with the socialist countries, for unity of the labour movement.We
sincerely greet these Social-Democrats and are willing to do
everything necessary to join our efforts in the struggle for the
noble cause of upholding peace and the interests of the working
people.”[13]
The
programme accepted at the CPSU’s 22nd congress is even more clear:
„The
Communist parties favor cooperation with the Social-Democratic
parties not only in the struggle for peace, for better living
conditions of the working people, and for the preservation and
extension of their democratic rights and freedoms, but also in the
struggle to win power and build a socialist society.” [14]
Social
democracy in the 19th century grew from the working masses of the
capitalist countries, the trade union movement. They also dreamt
about socialism, like communists, but in a long-long term, and on a
daily basis they wanted to end the unfairness of capitalism, to make
capitalist order nicer. Revolutionary Marxists never agreed with
that, as capitalism, even in its best, most democratic and richest
form is built on the exploitation of the working masses.
Revolutionary Marxists always aimed for the creation of socialism.
But
after the WW2 social democracy has undergone an essential change.
There was plenty of money in the course of growth of general european
well-being after the war. This made it possible for capitalist social
democratic parties to give more to the masses, to create the so
called „the welfare state”. In turn, the existence of the
socialist world, where masses had the right to work, rest and access
to free health care, forced the capitalist parties to do so. The so
called „welfare state” in reality meant that a minority of rich
peope lived on a very high standarf of living. The middle classes and
a part of the working masses got much better conditions than before.
The standard of living of large masses of working people, not
speaking about the rising number of foreign migrants changed only to
a limited degree.
After
the economic difficulties of the 80’s they had less money. The
socialist world collapsed, the external coercive force disappeared.
Capitalist governments gave up the generous policy of the so called
„welfare state”, and social democracy in turn declared the
concept of the 3rd way. Since the 80’s socialism is not the goal,
and they even gave up the previous traditional demands of social
democracy and started to carry out neoliberal policies.
Social
democracy played a significant role in undermining, weakening the
socialist countries.. Under the slogans of the „Ostpolitik”, the
„disarmament” and the „European cooperation” they actively
took part in the preparation of the counter revolutions of 1989-91.
In
the former socialist countries several parties emerged under the name
socialist or social democrat. These parties are fundamentally
different from Western paries because they have no social democratic
past at all, no trade union background, they are not connected
by their traditions to the workers. These parties, including the
Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), from the first moment have been
active participants of the capitalist counter revolutions of 1989-91,
and became one of the pillars of the capitalist system. Their task is
to mislead and manipulate working masses, to stabilise capitalism.
Experiences
of the revolution in 1917 and the 90 years that have passed since
clearly show that the goals of communists and social democrats are
fundamentally different.
Experiences
of Hungarian history prove that Hungarian social democrats betrayed
the interests of the workers in 1919 and in 1898-90 as well. They
gave up the communists to the gendarmerie of the Horthy-era and even
nowadays they do not shy away from legal and governmental attacks on
communists.
The
90 years since 1917 clearly show: if communists under conditions of
capitalit system cooperate with social democrats in strategic
questions, if they govern together, then this is always the
communists who „pull the shorter” and who pay the biggest price.
The
way of costruction socialism
The
leadership of the CPSU after 1956, seeing the successes of socialism,
made a false and in retrospect fatal conclusion: the victory of
socialism is final and irreversible. The 22nd congress describes the
party’s new strategy, the construction of the communist society.
„The
Communist Party of the Soviet Union adopts its Third Program - the
program of communist construction.”
„The
material and technical base of communism will be built up by the end
of the second decade (1971-80),
ensuring an abundance of material and cultural values for the
whole population, Soviet society will come close to a stage where it
can introduce the principle of distribution according to needs, and
there will be a gradual transition to one form of ownership –
public ownership. Thus, a communist
society will in the main be built in the USSR.” [15]
The
programme of the RCWP-CPSU correctly states:
„Furthermore,
the successful accomplishment of many tasks of socialist development,
including the elimination of class antagonisms, led to the emergence
in the party and the people of the illusion of consistency of further
moving forward. This illusion of possibility to achieve quickly,
withoit struggle, the higher phase of communism was fixed in
the third party Programme, adopted in 1961. That
demobilized the party, the working class, the toiling masses. The
programm wronglyproclaimed
the rejection of the dictatorship of the proletariat and declared
the public nature of such entirely class institutions as a
party and a state, thus creating an ideological cover for their
petty-bourgeois metamorphosis. The subjectivist approach was used to
explain errors and deviations in the construction of socialism by
cult of personality. The task of revival of the essence of the power
of the Soviets was not even set, workers, already fragmented
organizationally, now were ideologically disarmed at the face of a
rising wave of the petty-bourgeois. This disarmament of the party and
the workers was based on the official proclamation of the “final”
victory of socialism in our country .”[16]
The
decision of the CPSU was a strategical mistake which affected the
other socialist countries too. After the 20th congress they
increasingly underestimated the necessity of class struggle. They
disregarded the fact that the representatives of the old ruling
classes and their descendants were still alive, the implementation of
the elements of a market economy contributed to the revival of the
bourgeois forces. Parties were not prepared for actual class
struggle.
Later
under the flag of Gorbatchev’s perestroika, glasnosty,
modernisation, rapprochement with Europe they introduced
multi-party system, allowedand even helped the activity of the
parties which were against socialism. With the false slogan of
depolitisation they took out the army and the national security
organs from under the control of the party and the people. System
changes were prepared and carried out almost everywhere by
reformist-opportunist forces. These forces deliberately crossed the
border, beyond which we are talking not about the reform of
socialism, but about the introduction of the capitalist system.
***
The
socialist revolution in Russia in 1917 confirmed the correctness of
Marxist-Leninist theory on the inevitability of the socialist
revolution and the transition of humanity from the capitalist
economic system to communism, the first phase of which is socialism.
It was in October 1917 in Russia that a great historical epoch of
transition of humanity from capitalism to socialism started.
Today,
as never before, it is clear: The great October socialist revolution
– the main event not only in the 20th century, but in the whole
history of mankind, the event that showed the way of progressive
development for many decades to come. In the result of the Great
October revolution was dispelled the myth of the eternity of
capitalism, capitalism ceased to be a world system. Since that time
in the world exist two opposite social-economic systems, the struggle
between them became the main form of manifestation of the main
contradiction of the modern era – the contradiction between labor
and capital.
The
Great October inseparably interwined with the memory of the 20th
century Hungarian socialism too. The successes of socialism proved
that the Hungarian workers, the working people can manage being in
power, creating a better life for millions, secure the survival and
development of the Hungarian nation. Hungarian workers can still be
proud of those decades, can draw strength to fight against capital
system. This is the legacy of the Great October.
There
was a lot of good in Hungarian socialism, though not everything was
good. But undoubtedly there were much more things that could have
been called successes, results. And it’s also beyond doubt that
despite all its problems and mistakes that socialism was better, more
successful and more humane than today’s capitalism.
The
Hungarian Workers’ Party is following the footsteps of the Great
October. We want socialism. We have learnt from the history of
socialism. We are convinced that a new socialist society will give
even more and even better.
* President of the Hungarian Workers’ Party.
[1]https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch01.htm#007
[2] http://aszabadsag.hu/Archiv/Dokumentumok/2007_38sz.pdf
[3] http://inter.kke.gr/en/articles/18th-Congress-Resolution-on-Socialism/
[4]Report
of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
to the 20th Party Congress. Foreign Languages Publishing House.
Moscow 1956. Page 7.
[5]ibid,
page 8
[6]ibid,
page 13
[7]Program
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. International Publishers
Co.,Inc., 1963. Page 62
[8] ibid,
page 65
[9]
Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union to the 20th Party Congress. Foreign Languages Publishing House.
Moscow 1956. Pp.45-46
[10]Program
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. International Publishers
Co.,Inc., 1963
[11]http://2010-2015.munkaspart.hu/component/content/article/1169
[12]Report
of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
to the 20th Party Congress. Foreign Languages Publishing House.
Moscow 1956. Page 24
[13]ibid
[14]Program
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. International Publishers
Co.,Inc., 1963. Page 49
[15]Program
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. International Publishers
Co.,Inc., 1963. Page 74
[16]http://rkrp-rpk.ru/content/view/5/47/
